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The AI program GPT-3 is already so good that you can give it a topic and a tone and it will spit out as many essays as you like, typically with perfect grammar and a surprising level of coherence. Prepare the Next Generation. Let's revisit that Twitter engineer's metaphor of handing a loaded gun to a 4-year-old. How about Senator Ted Cruz's tweet criticizing Big Bird for tweeting about getting his COVID vaccine? The high point of techno-democratic optimism was arguably 2011, a year that began with the Arab Spring and ended with the global Occupy movement. Babel is a metaphor for what some forms of social media have done to nearly all of the groups and institutions most important to the country's future—and to us as a people. In other words, political extremists don't just shoot darts at their enemies; they spend a lot of their ammunition targeting dissenters or nuanced thinkers on their own team. Even so, from 2009 to 2012, Facebook and Twitter passed out roughly 1 billion dart guns globally. One result is that young people educated in the post-Babel era are less likely to arrive at a coherent story of who we are as a people, and less likely to share any such story with those who attended different schools or who were educated in a different decade. They admit that in their online discussions they often curse, make fun of their opponents, and get blocked by other users or reported for inappropriate comments. Part of America's greatness in the 20th century came from having developed the most capable, vibrant, and productive network of knowledge-producing institutions in all of human history, linking together the world's best universities, private companies that turned scientific advances into life-changing consumer products, and government agencies that supported scientific research and led the collaboration that put people on the moon. A democracy cannot survive if its public squares are places where people fear speaking up and where no stable consensus can be reached. It just means that before a platform spreads your words to millions of people, it has an obligation to verify (perhaps through a third party or nonprofit) that you are a real human being, in a particular country, and are old enough to be using the platform. Means of making untraceable social media posts crossword puzzle. Anxiety makes new things seem more threatening.

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Writing nearly a decade ago, Gurri could already see the power of social media as a universal solvent, breaking down bonds and weakening institutions everywhere it reached. So the public isn't one thing; it's highly fragmented, and it's basically mutually hostile. Means of making untraceable social media posts crossword october. And yet American democracy is now operating outside the bounds of sustainability. A widely discussed reform would end this political gamesmanship by having justices serve staggered 18-year terms so that each president makes one appointment every two years. Later research showed that posts that trigger emotions––especially anger at out-groups––are the most likely to be shared. I think we can date the fall of the tower to the years between 2011 (Gurri's focal year of "nihilistic" protests) and 2015, a year marked by the "great awokening" on the left and the ascendancy of Donald Trump on the right. Later research showed that an intensive campaign began on Twitter in 2013 but soon spread to Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube, among other platforms.

That began to change in 2009, when Facebook offered users a way to publicly "like" posts with the click of a button. Someone on Twitter will find a way to associate the dissenter with racism, and others will pile on. These two extreme groups are similar in surprising ways. Means of making untraceable social media posts crossword answers. One of the major goals was to polarize the American public and spread distrust—to split us apart at the exact weak point that Madison had identified.

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In a year or two, when the program is upgraded to GPT-4, it will become far more capable. Since the tower fell, debates of all kinds have grown more and more confused. The literature is complex—some studies show benefits, particularly in less developed democracies—but the review found that, on balance, social media amplifies political polarization; foments populism, especially right-wing populism; and is associated with the spread of misinformation. Your posts rode to fame or ignominy based on the clicks of thousands of strangers, and you in turn contributed thousands of clicks to the game. The progressive left is so committed to maximizing the dangers of COVID that it often embraces an equally maximalist, one-size-fits-all strategy for vaccines, masks, and social distancing—even as they pertain to children. The cause is not known, but the timing points to social media as a substantial contributor—the surge began just as the large majority of American teens became daily users of the major platforms.

So what happens when an institution is not well maintained and internal disagreement ceases, either because its people have become ideologically uniform or because they have become afraid to dissent? For instance, the legislative branch was designed to require compromise, yet Congress, social media, and partisan cable news channels have co-evolved such that any legislator who reaches across the aisle may face outrage within hours from the extreme wing of her party, damaging her fundraising prospects and raising her risk of being primaried in the next election cycle. Before the 2019 protests in Hong Kong, China had mostly focused on domestic platforms such as WeChat. Social media's empowerment of the far left, the far right, domestic trolls, and foreign agents is creating a system that looks less like democracy and more like rule by the most aggressive. Research on procedural justice shows that when people perceive that a process is fair, they are more likely to accept the legitimacy of a decision that goes against their interests. It's about the shattering of all that had seemed solid, the scattering of people who had been a community. The problem is that the left controls the commanding heights of the culture: universities, news organizations, Hollywood, art museums, advertising, much of Silicon Valley, and the teachers' unions and teaching colleges that shape K–12 education.

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They knew that democracy had an Achilles' heel because it depended on the collective judgment of the people, and democratic communities are subject to "the turbulency and weakness of unruly passions. " What dictator could impose his will on an interconnected citizenry? Research shows that antisocial behavior becomes more common online when people feel that their identity is unknown and untraceable. The story of Babel is the best metaphor I have found for what happened to America in the 2010s, and for the fractured country we now inhabit. And when traditional liberals go silent, as so many did in the summer of 2020, the progressive activists' more radical narrative takes over as the governing narrative of an organization. Reforms like this are not censorship; they are viewpoint-neutral and content-neutral, and they work equally well in all languages. Liberals in the late 20th century shared a belief that the sociologist Christian Smith called the "liberal progress" narrative, in which America used to be horrifically unjust and repressive, but, thanks to the struggles of activists and heroes, has made (and continues to make) progress toward realizing the noble promise of its founding. Social media has weakened all three.

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Once social-media platforms had trained users to spend more time performing and less time connecting, the stage was set for the major transformation, which began in 2009: the intensification of viral dynamics. Congress should update the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, which unwisely set the age of so-called internet adulthood (the age at which companies can collect personal information from children without parental consent) at 13 back in 1998, while making little provision for effective enforcement. Social media has given voice to some people who had little previously, and it has made it easier to hold powerful people accountable for their misdeeds, not just in politics but in business, the arts, academia, and elsewhere. The former CIA analyst Martin Gurri predicted these fracturing effects in his 2014 book, The Revolt of the Public. A second way to harden democratic institutions is to reduce the power of either political party to game the system in its favor, for example by drawing its preferred electoral districts or selecting the officials who will supervise elections. The most reliable cure for confirmation bias is interaction with people who don't share your beliefs.

Right-wing death threats, many delivered by anonymous accounts, are proving effective in cowing traditional conservatives, for example in driving out local election officials who failed to "stop the steal. " The "Hidden Tribes" study tells us that the "devoted conservatives" score highest on beliefs related to authoritarianism. They allowed users to create pages on which to post photos, family updates, and links to the mostly static pages of their friends and favorite bands. We must harden democratic institutions so that they can withstand chronic anger and mistrust, reform social media so that it becomes less socially corrosive, and better prepare the next generation for democratic citizenship in this new age.

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God was offended by the hubris of humanity and said: Look, they are one people, and they have all one language; and this is only the beginning of what they will do; nothing that they propose to do will now be impossible for them. We are disoriented, unable to speak the same language or recognize the same truth. In the 10 years since then, Zuckerberg did exactly what he said he would do. This uniformity of opinion, the study's authors speculate, is likely a result of thought-policing on social media: "Those who express sympathy for the views of opposing groups may experience backlash from their own cohort. " Before 2009, Facebook had given users a simple timeline––a never-ending stream of content generated by their friends and connections, with the newest posts at the top and the oldest ones at the bottom. This, I believe, is what happened to many of America's key institutions in the mid-to-late 2010s. They don't stop anyone from saying anything; they just slow the spread of content that is, on average, less likely to be true. The stupefying process plays out differently on the right and the left because their activist wings subscribe to different narratives with different sacred values. American politics is getting ever more ridiculous and dysfunctional not because Americans are getting less intelligent. If you blundered, you could find yourself buried in hateful comments. Civis Analytics has denied that the tweet led to Shor's firing. Facebook soon copied that innovation with its own "Share" button, which became available to smartphone users in 2012. The problem is structural. Shor was clearly trying to be helpful, but in the ensuing outrage he was accused of "anti-Blackness" and was soon dismissed from his job.

In the 21st century, America's tech companies have rewired the world and created products that now appear to be corrosive to democracy, obstacles to shared understanding, and destroyers of the modern tower. On the left, social media launched callout culture in the years after 2012, with transformative effects on university life and later on politics and culture throughout the English-speaking world.

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